A Future That Works

A Future That Works
NO2aTory/Liberal coalition - Vote with your feet for an alternative to a neo-liberal economy and neo-conservative state Yes2aLeftFront and a Red/Green Left Alliance

Wednesday 13 November 2013

No2EU

Withdrawal from the EU would lead to an intensification of neo-liberal economic policies and a neo-conservative state. And therefore their campaign to leave the EU rather than allying themselves with the European and Scandinavian left parties and ETUC against the neo-liberal agenda in the EU weakens rather than strengthens the labour movement and therefore working class and socialist in Britain.



What is needed is an historic bloc of the left across Europe and Scandinavia to oppose the diktats of the IMF, WTO, World Bank and international laws, protocols such as Gats article 1.3 and 6.4 which rule on services provided on a "commercial basis" or those supplied "in competition with one or more service suppliers." and force governments to open up their public services to foreign investors and markets.
 

18 comments:

  1. Rencontre internationale des partis communistes et ouvriers - intervention de Gilles Garnier

    ''In 2013, as in the early 20th century, the confiscation of political and economic power in a few hands is a problem. The battle today is that the power really comes back to the people, everywhere, in all places where the bourgeois and the employers have robbed but also where it has always been private, that is to say the company and in the workplace.''

    (Gilles Garnier, National Executive of the Parti Communiste Français. International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties, Lisbon, 8-10 November 2013)

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  2. Britain needs a left front of the CPB, CPGB, SP, SWP and Left Unity like the Front de Gauche allied with the EL and GUE/NGL led by Pierre Laurent Senator of Paris and national secretary of the Parti Communiste Français and Gabi Zimmer MEP for Die Linke.

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  3. The CPB arguments for withdrawal from the EU is as if Britain outside of the union with Europe and Scandinavia would enable a British government to follow a social-democratic Keynesian model welfare-capitalism and or lead towards socialism is either naive or dishonest. The CPB's arguments that the European parliament has no power, then the argument shouldn't be to call for withdrawal from the EU but for greater democratic power for the parliament in Strasbourg and less power in Brussels and Frankfurt.

    They argue that the capitalist classes are united and the working class needs to be united, then where is the logic of leaving the EU. As a member state of the EU, the broad left can coordinate political activity against the diktats of the neo-liberal economic agenda and neo-conservative state, supra-state and the IMF, WTO and World Bank. Surely a united left bloc across Europe and Scandinavia would have greater political and economic strength against the forces of monopoly finance-capital and the diktats of global governance as well as against our own capitalist political and economic elite in Britain.

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  4. To quote Newt Gingrich ''with the external threat of communism banished, internal concessions to the socialist threat should be dismantled''. The Marxist economist Makoto Itoh also said ''within capitalist countries, welfare policies and concessions to the demands of trade unions were regarded as necessary costs to guard the capitalist economic system against revolutionary socialism''. So from both the right and left it's seen in world-historic terms and not in narrow terms of an individual nation state.

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  5. The post-war settlement between capital and labour existed world-historically as a response to the threat of socialist revolution after the Second World War. The Keynesian model of welfare-capitalism existed across the bourgeois democratic states of Europe, Scandinavia and to a lesser degree the USA, not in isolation in one nation state like the UK or Germany, but collectively.

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  6. As far as I can see the CPB's position has no basis in Marxist or Leninist theory, it's purely a construct of a Stalinist dogma rather than a scientific theory of dialectic-materialism. Lenin expanded on what Marx had observed to formulate his theory of Imperialism the higher stage of capitalism. Both Marx and Lenin say capitalism in world-historic terms and that socialism could only exist world-historically. Lenin understood that if the socialist revolution failed to spread from Russia to Germany and across Europe this would mean the Soviet revolution would most probably be defeated by an alliance of the capitalist states which would unite against the socialist revolutionary state.

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  7. We know that the Soviet Union survived as a world force for just short of seventy five years. And if it hadn't have been for the Soviet Union and the actual and perceived threat of a socialist revolution after the Second World War we wouldn't have seen concessions to the social-democratic parties and trade-union movement in Britain and across Europe and Scandinavia, such as the NHS, social-housing programmes, comprehensive education, free access to University education and all other aspects of welfare-capitalism.

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  8. And as the Soviet Union no longer exists the ideology of national-bolshevism no longer serves any purpose and has become an obsolete dogma, learned by rote and not applicable to the dynamics of the class struggle between the forces of international finance-capital and its institutions of global, regional and national governance with the working class, labour movement and social-democratic, socialist and communist parties.

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  9. Therefore No2EU holds back the working classes from developing an internationalist class consciousness in response to the global, regional and national class offensive of the capitalist economic and political elite. I've yet to see a Marxist-Leninist national-bolshevik argument that can convince me of a nationalist dialectical argument for leaving the EU that actual strengthens the class power of labour against the international class power of capital.

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  10. Rather than following a dogma of national-bolshevism devised by Joe Stalin to suit the historical and geographic material-dialectics of the 1930's after the revolution in Russia had failed to spread across Europe as hoped and expected by Lenin, the geographic and historical material-dialectics post1991 collapse of the Soviet Union demands theory and practice suited to the international dynamics of globalization.

    From a historical and geographic perspective which Marxist and Leninist should take into account scientifically the material-dialectics or internationalist rather than nationalist. Otherwise they are acting un-scientifically to the material-dialectics as utopian left-communists and national-bolsheviks following the failed dogma of the Stalinist old guard.

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  11. ''we have the ambition to increase and extend the forces of the alternative left in Europe and show support and solidarity to the popular majority'' (Pierre Laurent, 19/10/2013)

    where are the CPB, CPGB, SP, SWP et al ?

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  12. I cannot believe there is any OTHER possibility of resisting the neo-liberal economic agenda and class power of a neo-conservative state and the diktats of global governance by the IMF, WTO, World Bank et al than as part of the European and Scandinavian Left. This is why I became exasperated with the ''logic'' dogma of national-bolshevism and leadership of the CPB which is behind No2EU.

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  13. There is no doubt about the sacrifices the Soviet Union made in the struggles to defeat fascism, nor the material gains made under the socialist state in health care, education and living standards compared with before 1917. I'm also convinced had it not been for the successful revolution led by Vladimir Lenin in 1917 and the threat of social revolution spreading across Europe after the Second World War, we wouldn't have seen the capitalist classes concede to the welfare state and the NHS etc in Britain and its like across Europe and Scandinavia.

    What the Communist Party in Britain seem incapable of comprehending is that the Soviet Union became led by a bureaucratic party elite and wasn't answerable to the people. As a consequence by the 1980's the peoples of the socialist states no longer identified with the system and rightly or wrongly looked to the model of welfare-capitalism in Europe and Scandinavia and saw a system that appeared more democratic, more egalitarian and more affluent. Today many in the former Soviet Union and socialist states of Eastern Europe look back nostalgically at the former socialist political economy.

    Today in the post-Soviet world, the capitalist states of Britain and the EU have abandoned welfare-capitalism and along with Eastern Europe are increasingly modelled on a neo-liberal economic model enforced by neo-conservative governments and neo-liberal/neo-conservative protocols and directives from the IMF et al. My experience of the party leadership in the CPB led me to the conclusion that they learned their Marxist and Leninist theory by rote, and without instruction from a higher party elite (the Soviet Party) they are incapable of thinking dialectically for themselves.

    This is why they follow theory and practices which have now become dogma, and cannot apply Marxist and Leninist theory dialectically to the material reality of the post-Soviet and post-Keynesian world of globalization and the class power of international monopoly finance-capital. Whilst from a Marxist and Leninist perspective I'd argue that there isn't any prospect of a return to social-democratic welfare-capitalism, there isn't any likelihood of a socialist revolution either. This is why I'm of the view that however problematic the European and Scandinavian left parties offer the most viable option for resistance to the capitalist class offensive.


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  14. Have the left parties of Britain (England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have what it takes to join the broad left led by Pierre Laurent of the PCF and Gabi Zimmer of Die Linke, or are we to sectarian and nationalistic to join together in a left front and be part of the left bloc (EL and GUE/NGL).

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  15. Let's see a British left front like the PCF, PG,CAP, GU, and PCOF in France.

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  16. "CDU SOBE PARA 17,2% NAS INTENÇÕES DE VOTO"

    The latest opinion polls show the left coalition Coligação Democrática Unitária (CDU) which comprises the Partido Comunista Português (PCP) and Partido Ecologista Os Verdes (PEV) raised their share support 17.2% in November with the Partido Socialista vote standing currently at 35.6% in of Portugal.

    Something that for the British left-wing parties to aim at.



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  17. Algo que para os britânicos partidos de esquerda a atingir.

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  18. We are in the midst of the worst crises of capitalism since the late 1920's and early 1930's and the so called ''Marxist'' and ''Leninist'' left parties in Britain see the way of fighting back against the forces of the bourgeois-state, supra-state, global governance by the IMF, WTO, World Bank and monopoly finance-capital in a retreat into opportunist social-chauvinism and patriotic nationalism. To quote Karl Marx ''In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, and universal inter-dependence of nations.'' I think they need to go back and re-read or maybe for the first time read Marx and Lenin, so they can apply Marxist and Leninist theory dialectically to the material-dialectics of capitalism in its higher imperialist (globalized) stage. ''Hic Rhodes, hic Salta! a situation is created which makes all turning back impossible''.

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